If Turkey uses the possible American troop withdrawal from Syria to destroy the Kurdish enclaves in the northern part of the country, the United States will have lost the opportunity to create our only consistent Islamic ally in the Middle East. In spite of our inconsistent support of the Kurds, they truly seem to like Americans. Who are these people, and why is their fate important to us?
Twenty five to 30 million Kurds inhabit a mountainous region straddling the borders of Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran and Armenia. The Kurds are the fourth largest ethnic group in the Middle East. They practice a number of religions, but the majority are Sunni Muslim. They have never obtained a permanent nation state, and they are variously persecuted in their resident countries.
In the past 100 years the Kurds have twice been double-crossed by Western powers. In 1920, following WWI and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Great Britain and France proposed a Kurdish state as they redrew the map of the Middle East. However, when they completed the process in 1923 there was no Kurdish state, condemning the Kurds to minority status everywhere.
In 1991 the American-led coalition destroyed the Iraqi army as an invasive force but failed to overthrow Saddam Hussein. President George H. W. Bush called upon the Kurds and other Iraqis to rebel against Hussein, implying that they would be supported by the American military. The Kurds did rebel, giving Hussein the excuse to gas Kurd towns and villages, slaughtering large numbers of civilians. Initially the American military did nothing, although we did later impose a no-fly zone on northern Iraq, which prevented Hussein from perpetrating further genocide on the Kurds. However, we never helped the Kurds achieve an independent state, or even greater autonomy in Iraq.
And now a third double-cross may occur. In 2011 a rebellion began in Syria, with numerous groups, including the Syrian Kurds, attempting to overthrow the brutal dictatorship of Bashar Assad. The rebellion allowed ISIS, the brutal terrorist organization, to take over large portions of Syria, so starting in 2015 the United States allied with the Syrian Kurds to fight ISIS and rollback their territorial conquests. This has resulted in the establishment of a provisional Kurdish government encompassing three reclaimed Kurdish enclaves in northeastern Syria. This was done with the acquiescence of the American authorities on the ground, and it was done even though even though the Turkish, Syrian and Iraqi governments opposed it.
However, none of these countries were willing to challenge the Kurds as long as they were armed and supported by the American military. Now President Trump has ordered all American ground forces out of Syria. If this actually happens it will expose the Kurds to the full might of the Turkish military, which is already massing on the Syrian border opposite the Kurdish enclaves. A possible Turkish invasion will not only once again deny Kurdish autonomy, it could potentially set off another wave of displaced Syrian refugees.
But why should we care? Does it really matter which groups in the Middle East dominate and which ones do not? Yes, it does matter, and yes, we should care, for the following reasons. Despite the double-crosses survey results continue to show that the Kurds are overwhelmingly pro-American, much more pro-American than any other Islamic group. Ninety seven percent of the Iraqi Kurd respondents see us as liberators. Furthermore, the Kurds are one of the most secular and Western-oriented Muslim groups in the Middle East.
Given these reasons, it may be in our best interest to reverse our long term policy and support an independent Kurdistan. In return it is likely that Kurdistan would serve as the primary Middle Eastern base for our troops and military assets, replacing Turkey, an increasingly dictatorial and questionable ‘ally’. Additionally the Kurds would enthusiastically welcome our nation building activities, which would help the Kurds create the first stable, democratic, peaceful and prosperous Islamic nation in the Middle East, and therefore serve as a role model for other countries in the region.
Anthony Stahelski can be reached at [email protected]