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What is the difference between socialism and modern liberalism?

So I just laid out in another post the classically liberal origins of modern liberalism and now a regular commenter at TMV has asked, perceptively, how is modern liberalism different from socialism. Surely socialism also has roots in classical liberalism too, so the common ancestry is of little meaning on its own.

So what is the difference between socialism and modern liberalism? There are two very different strains of socialism historically – revolutionary socialism promulgated by Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and V. I. Lenin, and incrementalist or “Fabian” socialism of the sort that took off in western Europe after World War II. Few outside the hopelessly uninformed and unhinged believe that modern liberalism is akin to revolutionary socialism or communism. But what about the more moderate Fabian socialism (Fabius Maximus was a Roman politician famous for his incrementalism and moderation)?

The difference is here: socialists believe in the abolition of private property. Modern liberals do not.

As recently as the 1980s the British Labour Party included the call for the abolition of private property in its official party platform. Socialist parties elsewhere in Europe – from Spain to France to Germany and on – either still call for the abolition of private property or did so until very recently.

Note that abolition of private property does not mean progressive taxation or a generous social safety net. It does not mean old age pensions or even universal health care per se, though all socialist countries have those (Bismarck adopted the world’s first welfare state to stave off the growing threat of German Socialists in the 1870s). No, socialism means the government literally takes possession of the means of production.

In practice, this has meant government ownership of telecommunications, power companies, transportation networks and in some cases health delivery systems (British NHS is socialist in a way most other national health care systems are not).

In America the best example of genuine socialism is the Tennessee Valley Authority. The TVA “bought” millions of acres of land and waterways, reconfigured rivers, built dams, and to this day continues to provide electricity, control floods, and create space for recreation. Knoxville is actually the third-best boating city in America after San Diego and Ft. Lauderdale thanks to the plethora of lakes in the area. Yes, in heavily Republican East Tennessee the greatest form of recreation is due to socialism.

But efforts to replicate the TVA in the Columbia River and the Missouri River failed for a variety of reasons. TVA is a case unto itself. And other previously government-owned entities have been privatized, while highly regulated utilized have been de-regulated by both liberal Democratic and conservative Republican politicians alike.

There is very little call for government ownership of property in America today, with the exception of national parks and wildlife refuges (and considering the land in these cases is to be used NOT for productive capacities but for preservation it’s hard to really call them socialist either).

The closest the Obama Administration has come to socialism is the automotive bailout. But even that plan was initiated only because of bankruptcy in the private sector, and the ultimate goal is to release the company back to the private marketplace. It is emergency and short-term socialism, perhaps – but hardly more than that.

As for the banks – the other recipient of bailouts – the government decided against nationalization. Though they are subsidized by the Federal Reserve, they are still in private hands and will likely be returned to even more private control in the near future as they pay back TARP money.

Welfare state liberalism is predicated on the belief that free market capitalism is superior to state-run socialism…BUT, that it must be regulated to ensure against monopoly and abuse. The policy differences between conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats are matters of degree – how MUCH should the government intervene in the private sector – not a matter of kind.

Some suggest that the bailouts are actually more like corporatism than socialism. Corporatism was the economic model favored by Fascist Italy, Peronist Argentina and Vargas’s Brazil. While it’s certainly true that government action tends to favor certain private companies over others, there is little call for large-scale state management of wages, hours and production usually seen in a corporatist system. There is plenty of corporate welfare and corporate cronyism out there. But we are far from a corporatist/Fascist economy and I don’t see anybody holding it out as an ideal.

So, yes, modern liberalism and socialism both trace their roots to classical liberalism. But modern liberalism explicitly rejects the fundamental defining element of socialism: state ownership of the means of production. Policy debates over government regulation and taxation between liberals and conservatives are just that: debates between liberals and conservatives over the EXTENT of government intervention in the private sector. Absent calls for outright state ownership of large swaths of the American economy modern liberalism is nothing like socialism.

  • tidbits
    Elrod - Both of your pieces today are excellent. Thank you. Question: why no reference to the term "democratic socialism", the self-chosen label of most of the western European socialist parties?
  • Leonidas
    I do think Democratic socialism is a worthy topic, and I also think Socialism has another definiting characteristic that was left out, a desire to plan the economy rather than let the market move it .

    Still another very nice piece.
  • DLS
    We have always had a flirtation with fascism in the USA, since the 1930s, as our variant of modern democratic socialism (where the modern welfare state is typically seen to "evolve"). The reason is that we value private property here, still, to some extent, and what has always mattered anyway is not ownership (nominal, legal, or otherwise), but of course, control. And even our outright fascistic experiments like managed cartels (what air travel used to be like) or government ownership (as in the case of General Motors, or Chrysler), and even Amtrak or Fannie Mae, etc., tend to be more private-sector-oriented than nationalized oil companies and the like that Gus Hall and other Communists would prefer instead.
  • DLS
    "So, yes, modern liberalism and socialism both trace their roots to classical liberalism."

    This does not follow from what you have written earlier. However, there is an element of truth in this that should be addressed: Modern liberalism and socialism are similar; modern liberalism began its change from "classic liberalism" (libertarianism, now) in the capital-P Progressive era, at about the same time that many developed the "fatal conceit" that the economy, society, everything could be engineered and problems corrected and ideal states achieved through government interventionism, planning, direction, and control. (The scope of this extends far beyond crusades against the problems of the late 1880s with urbanization and industrialization, corporate abuses, and hatred of the Robber Barons.)
  • tidbits
    DLS raises another interesting topic. The influence of democratic socialism in the United States. In particular, it would be interesting to address the rise of the American Socialist Party (Fabians, not Communists or Facists)) in the early 20th century under the leadership of Eugene V. Debs, how that movement was co-opted by FDR and the New Deal and how democratic socialists served in, or as advisors to, several administrations up to and including Michael Harrington (Socialist Party member) who advised both JFK and LBJ. The follow-up would be to ask where that movement is today.
  • DLS
    "Fabians, not Communists or Facists"

    And Norman Thomas, etc.

    Interestingly, the book I own about the guaranteed minimum income (often nowadays called the Basic Income Guarantee, or BIG, though the payments would be smaller in practice than some would hope) quotes from someone (Lady Rhys-Williams, in a book "Something to Look Forward To" ["A Suggestion for a New Social Contract"]) who was echoing what else, the Fabians' legacy in Britain at the end of World War II (formation of National Health Service, "Freedom Through Planning," and such things), where the new relation between the state and the subject, or individual, was essentially a flowery variation of what Marx himself said: The state will care for as well as protect the individual, from cradle to grave, while the individual will recognize that he or she has a reciprocal duty to work to provide for the state (society) what the individual can and should provide.
  • DLS
    "Michael Harrington (Socialist Party member) who advised both JFK and LBJ."

    I'll just add one more note that while everyone knows who Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., is (or was), few seem to know who Rexford Guy Tugwell was -- he was a master architect of the New Deal, was involved in political awareness since the capital-P Progressives, and worked with Harrington, Robert Heilbroner, and other modern liberals (to radicals) at the Center for the Study of Democratic [Socialist] Institutions in Santa Barbara during the 1960s. Copies of "The Center" Magazine would be great reading for anyone who is interested, along with Tugwell's numerous books. I own three of them --- one a biography of FDR, one a book about what FDR would have gone on to do and what liberalism would have tried to do had FDR not died in the 1940s ("Roosevelt until 1952, at least, and perhaps until 1956!"), and the third being Tugwell's magnum opus on what has been replacing constitutional federalism decade by decade, and what Tugwell would like to see in a new constitution for the USA and associated kind of government (which would include planning, of course, a big deal to elites then even more than now). (Tugwell is famous for his poem that includes the lines, "I have fashioned my tools and my charts. I shall roll up my sleeves -- work America over!") Sadly, few people know or care about Tugwell, though he dwarfs famous liberals like Schlesinger, and Tugwell's proposed new constitution and related form of modern government in Washington has been relegated to fringe right-wing Web sites, mainly. (His biggest and best work, which includes the new constitution as an appendix, called "The Emerging Constitution," is actually over 700-750 pages long.)

    See related discussion here,

    ("Tugwell argued that a governmental system designed for an agrarian republic worked much less adequately for an industrial democracy. Moreover, the framers' reluctance to concentrate sufficient power in a central authority resulted in a system of checks, balances, and separated powers that left the national government too vaguely emplowered and inefficient to function properly in a world transformed by economic dislocation and potentially disastrous international problems.")

    http://books.google.com/books?id=sG6Kz-f30qUC&p...


    and see fringe site here, for example, to review Tugwell's constitution proposal.


    http://www.sweetliberty.org/issues/concon/newst...


    The Center

    http://www.library.ucsb.edu/administration/deve...

    http://www.independent.com/news/2009/may/28/cen...
  • roro80
    Excellent article, Elrod.
  • A good post, Elrod, although, to truly answer this question in a comprehensive manner would involve invoking many decades of history--both in the United States and Europe.

    One of the most important distinctions between socialism and modern liberalism is that the former ideology has an actual definition and revolves around a set of basic principles while the latter does not. Modern day liberalism (and modern day conservatism) is an inconsistent, incoherent ideology. Ask ten self-professed liberals what it means to be liberal, and you will get several different answers--some of them contrary to each other. Ask ten self-proclaimed conservatives what it means to be liberal, and you will get answers that not any differ substantially from those given by liberals but will also different substantially from other conservatives.

    "Liberal" and "conservative" have become meaningless terms--mere epithets directed at political opponents without bothing to explain what makes that person liberal.

    There was a time when the term "liberal" actually meant something. It was a time when any two people-- regardless of their political beliefs--could use the term and know what they were referring to. Back in the 19th century, the term "liberalism" referred to a political ideology that we now refer to as "classical liberalism", which is more-or-less equivalent to modern libertarianism of the minarchist strain (as opposed to the anarchist strain). In those days, liberals recognized government as a "necessary evil", meaning that while it had a legitimate function of protecting the lives, liberties, and properties of its citizens, it should avoid attempting to manage the economy and most aspects of individuals' lives.

    One might ask how the term "liberalism" went from a term synonymous with minarchism to what we have today. The answer is probably far more complex than anyone of us could answer in a single blog post, but part of it a gradual shift in political thought that accompanied the rise of democratic socialism in Europe and "progressivism" at the turn of the twentieth century. The reason was the misappropriation of the term "liberalism" by popular political figures during the era of the New Deal. Probably no one did more to redefine the term "liberalism" than President Frankling D. Roosevelt who adopted many of the tenets of democratic socialism and then relabeled them as "liberalism" despite the fact that many of these tenets ran contrary to commonly accepted definition of "liberalism" prior to the New Deal.

    What we call "liberalism" today should more accurately be referred to as "progressivism", since it has shares more in common with the Progressive Movement of the 1890's-1920's than it does with Classical Liberalism.

    The problem with assigning any label, however, is that modern-day liberalism is more the reflection of the mood the the Democratic Party than any consistent, coherent political ideology. The Democratic Party, I would ague, has no political ideology. Its rise to power during the 1930's afterall, was built upon a disparate coalition of groups which had very different view--particularly on issues of race/civil rights and personal freedom/civil liberties.

    There remains a strain of civil libertarianism--perhaps a remnant of its classical liberal past--in modern day liberalism--but it is overshadowed by fiscal populism/progressivism, an ideology which argues for more government intervention in economic/fiscal matters and is more sympathetic towards the big government nannyism that civil libertarians oppose.

    No, I don't think one can really define modern day liberalism. It is--like modern day conservatism--an incoherent, inconsistent, self-contradictory political movement. We don't often recognize this, which is because we have the Democratic and Republican Parties, whose existence, I am convinced, is not to advance any coherent political ideology, but to brainwash their supporters into believing that they actually all believe in the same political ideology so that they can corral them all into the voting booths to vote against their Republican and Democratic opponents, who--with few exceptions--having no coherent political ideology of their own.

    Because in the end, the goal of both political parties is to maintain political power. And that their politicians spout off political rhetoric to their political base is only a means to an end.

    More on this subject can be found in a previous essay that I wrote on my former blog.



















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