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More on Cheney’s Declassification Request

Greg Sargent requested, and got, the request form that Dick Cheney filled out and submitted to the National Archives asking for the release of “all” the memos that showed how effective the CIA’s torture program was.

“All” turns out to be two:

Cheney requested all of two CIA documents, a total of 21 pages.

You can look at Cheney’s request form right here. They open the window a bit on the scope and direction of his request, which he has claimed will prove that Bush’s torture program yielded worthwhile intelligence.

Cheney requested two CIA reports, both of them from the “detainees” folder, which suggests that the docs detail the interrogation of suspects.

One is dated July 13th, 2004, and numbers eight pages.

The other is dated June 1st, 2005, and numbers 13 pages.

The CIA has redacted the detailed description of the documents because they’re classified. In total, Cheney requested all of 21 pages to support his claim that torture worked.

We still don’t know if we’ll ever get to see these docs, but this is a start. More soon.

Spencer Ackerman responds to a question from David Kurtz about the memo dates:

David Kurtz remarks, “I’m a little surprised at first glance by how late those reports are dated, coming well after the 2002 capture of Abu Zubaydah and the 2003 capture of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed.” But consider them in light of the timeline presented by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and other aspects of the public record. Then it’s not so surprising the documents would be issued when they’re issued.

OK, July 13, 2004. What had happened then? Two important developments. First, in May, CIA Inspector General John Helgerson had completed his review of how the interrogation program worked in practice, a still-classified document that appears to have found the agency had exceeded the boundaries demarcated for it by the 2002 Office of Legal Counsel memo that gave the program legal sanction. And second, in June, the new OLC chief, Jack Goldsmith, revoked that 2002 memoranda, which sent Cheney legal adviser David Addington into a sputtering rage:

[Addington pulled] out of his jacket pocket a 3-by-5 card that listed the withdrawn opinions. “Since you’ve withdrawn so many legal opinions that the president and others have been relying on,” Addington said, according to Goldsmith, “we need you to … let us know which [of the remaining] ones you still stand by.”

It remains to be seen what’s in the July 13, 2004 memo that the CIA produced on the interrogation program. But a safe bet, given this context, is that Cheney and his bureaucratic allies wanted something from CIA to push back on the obstacles the program created by Helgerson and especially Goldsmith.

Next, June 1, 2005. … That’s the day after new OLC chief Steven Bradbury had released the final of his three May 2005 memos that reauthorized the CIA’s interrogation program — rulings that found, among other things, that waterboarding (which the CIA says it had not performed since 2003) did not cause “severe physical pain.” All the memos, taken together, determined the CIA’s interrogation program was, in every material respect, legal. But it’s likely that Cheney recognized this wouldn’t be the end of the debate on torture — either internally, or with Congress and the Courts. Having material from the CIA — especially a CIA helmed by his ally, Porter Goss — arguing for the need for the program’s continuation would be powerful ammunition for any bureaucratic fight.

Via Spencer’s post, Marcy Wheeler found an apparent reference to the July 13, 2004, memo in the May 30, 2005, memo by Steven Bradbury — one of the four that Obama released last week.

ACLU lawyer Jameel Jaffer draws the perhaps obvious conclusion that the fact Cheney requested only these two memos means that’s all he’s got:

Two things that are immediately striking about the request Dick Cheney submitted for classified documents that would allegedly prove that torture worked:

(1) He only asked for a total of two documents, a total of 21 pages — meaning this is likely the grand total of proof Cheney himself is able to point to supporting his claims about the torture program.

(2) Despite the charge that Obama cherry-picked from the torture memos, it seems pretty clear that Cheney himself did some serious cherry-picking from the intel files.

This, at least, is the immediate takeaway of ACLU lawyer Jameel Jaffer, who’s been following this stuff as closely as anyone.

Cheney requested two CIA reports, both of them from the “detainees” folder. One is dated July 13th, 2004, and numbers eight pages. The other is dated June 1st, 2005, and numbers 13 pages.

“Vice President Cheney accused the Obama administration of selective declassification,” Jaffer told me, “but what’s clear is his own selective declassification here.”

“Cheney clearly had access to a great deal of information about the CIA interrogation program, and the intelligence that was obtained through that program,” Jaffer continued. “It’s striking that when trying to demonstrate the effectiveness of the program, Mr. Cheney has been able to point to only two documents that amount to less than 30 pages.”

  • DaGoat
    He only requested a limited number of files that were designed to support his position? My God he's turning into Obama!!!!
  • Ricorun
    All I can say is... remarkable.
  • GeorgeSorwell
    Cheney knows what to cherry-pick.
  • Leonidas
    I'm against torture, but Obama has no right to cherry pick a few items for political reasons and try to use transparancy as a professed motivation if he is not willing to declassify everything he can. Agree or not with the Bush/Cheney stance, having Obama only declassify selected items is not transparancy but spin. Let all the documents be released and let the people make their own judments with all the information, not with just the parts Obama wants you to see.

    The American people deserve to see all the documentation.
  • kathyedits
    The American people deserve to see all the documentation.

    Well, Leonidas, if you read my post, you know that "all the documentation" for the Bush administration's side of the story is two memos that Dick Cheney had in a folder marked "Detainees" in a filing cabinet he kept in his office. And of course you also know from reading my post, and the other posts to which I linked, that those two memos, which are the entirety of Dick Cheney's support for his contention that Abu Zubaydah and Khaled Sheikh Mohammed provided valuable information that prevented many terrorist plots, were written two years after Zubaydah and Mohammed were interrogated.

    It's amazing that nothing was written about those interrogations and the incredibly valuable life-saving information they yielded at the time they were conducted, or immediately afterward, or even soon afterward, isn't it?
  • Rudi
    Once again people, the documents were released after a FOI request.
    http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/LawPolitics/stor...
    ...
    Such details emerged today as the Justice Department released pages of legal memos from the Bush administration as a part of a Freedom of Information lawsuit brought by the ACLU.
    ...

    Here's the link to the actual documents:
    http://www.usdoj.gov/opa/documents/olc-memos.htm

    Balkin and the gang look at the legal merits(not).
    http://balkin.blogspot.com/

    Volokh weighs in here:
    http://volokh.com/posts/1240065601.shtml
    he American Civil Liberties Union, whose lawsuit forced the release of the Justice Department memos on Thursday, plans to press the Justice Department to release other classified documents from the Bush era, including a 2004 C.I.A. inspector general’s report that gives details about C.I.A. officers who exceeded Justice Department interrogation guidelines.

    It's not like open up the Justice Department and said take what you want.
    http://volokh.com/posts/1238862479.shtml
    http://volokh.com/posts/1238250540.shtml
    Third, the answer given in these memos was deficient on its face. One does not have to be an expert on international law, the Constitution or the Convention Against Torture to read the memos and know that they are one-sided and rely on thin logic. The “self defense” argument justifying torture, for example, cannot be right. War, if justified at all in a civilized society, is justified principally in self defense. Torture, however, is not acceptable in war. That is the whole point of the Convention. Some of the memos argue that the Convention and other similar treaties cannot bind the President under the Constitution, but one wonders then why the United States signed them. Would the framers really want to deny to the United States the power to make binding treaties? The OLC memos at least had to recognize that there were arguments on the other side, and that the law could be different from what the OLC said it was.

    Fourth, the OLC memos probably were so bad in part because the lawyers who wrote the memos, unlike lawyers who provide legal opinions to private clients, did not have to answer for them. Government lawyers don’t get sued for malpractice when they give bad advice; private practice lawyers do. OLC lawyers instead get judgeships, recommendations from political superiors for private sector jobs or they go back to tenured posts in universities. In my book I call these skewed incentives the “malpractice liability gap” between the public and private sectors. I explore ways to address the gap, but as a practical matter it would be difficult to use a malpractice liability regime to hold government lawyers accountable.
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