Historic Tidbit via Paul Boller’s Congressional Anectdotes:
U.S. Department of Transportation Photo
Historic Tidbit: Gerald Ford came to Congress the same year as Hubert Humphrey. Ford recalled the first time he heard “his dear friend” talk. “He was in the second hour of a five minute speech. I didn’t have a program so I asked the fellow next to me what followed Senator Humphrey. The fellow looked at his watch and said, ‘Christmas.’ ”
By Scott Crass
In the past two weeks, an astounding 13 Senators have made public their support for marriage equality. The tally includes moderates, Senators preparing for tough re-election bids next year, and even a Republican, Mark Kirk. The sole liberal among this group is West Virginia’s Jay Rockefeller, who hails from a culturally consrvative state, but who has announced his retirement. The conversions leave three Democratic Senator’s remaining on the fence, with the most noteworthy being Mary Landrieu, the three-term Louisianan who also faces the voters next year. Landrieu’s primary conundrum is that the “Pelican State” approved the amendment prohibiting same-sex marriage with 78% in 2004. And that invites a comparison with Al Gore Sr, the fomer vice-president’s father and prominent Tennessee Senator, on the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
Gore was not exactly a conservative on Civil Rights. The Tennessee Democrat had been one of three southern Senators who refused to sign the “Southern Manifesto” and had opposed the poll tax as a member of the House as far back as 1942. His Tennessee colleague, Estes Kefauver, who had been his party’s standard bearer for vice-president just before, was another, with Lyndon Johnson the third. During his own Presidential campaign, Al Gore Jr cited his father’s courage on the Civil Rights issue, which while certainly debatable, is not totally without merit.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 came to the floor just as Gore was facing re-election. He had no Democratic opposition in the primary, but faced a tenacious Republican in his bid for a third term. Tennessee hadn’t sent a Republican to the chamber since 1868 (one briefly filled a vacancy in 1912), but Gore was facing an erstwhile foe. And much of the deep south was rebelling against LBJ on the Civil Rights issue. Gore voted against it and survived his re-election bid by just 53-46%, as Johnson’s 55% in Tennessee was far below Democratic norms. Whether Gore would’ve backed the landmark legislation had the election already been held may never be known. But his actions before and after the vote indicates that he was sympathetic to the movement.
Enter 1965, a different ballgame. The “Voting Rights Act” came before the chamber and Gore, safely back in the Senate for another six years had no qualms about voting for it. He backed the Fair Housing Act three years later. Meanwhile, on other issues, Gore was a solid liberal. Tennessee4Me calls Gore “the forerunner for Medicare” and notes his legislation for minimum wage increases and the construction of the Interstate Highway System.Gore lost his Senate seat in 1970 to Bill Brock, later President Reagan’s Secretary of Education.
The younger Gore credited his father’s vote for Civil Rights as a decisive element in his loss and, minus the ’64 law, was partially right. But it was Gore’s vocally dovish position on the Vietnam War also played a major role in his loss, and he earned the enmity of the Nixon White House for it. Nixon’s team went all out to beat Gore, and to everyone’s surprise, were only narrowly successful. Gore took 48%, indicating that, like Landrieu will do, Gore successfully touted his long work on behalf of the state. Landrieu’s problem is that she must also deal with a White House, only this is oneof her own party she’d rather not be reminded of. which indicates that, like Landrieu, other issues will also come into play. And it starts with marriage equality.
Landrieu has tinkered around the edges of the same-sex marriage issue and like Gore, has already taken stands that may get her into trouble. While Gore opposed the Civil Rights Act, he did back a previous version years before. And as early as 1957, he nominated two African-Americans from Memphis to the Air Force Academy, which was not without controversy.
Landrieu stated recently that she personally has no problem with same-sex marriage (”it’s very tough because I think most people believe that people should love who they love”).But as a matter of public policy, she acknowledged that she must reconcile that with her state, which she said separately”has a very strong constitutional amendment against gay marriage and I think I have to honor that.”
Landrieu has stuck with her party on most other issues but unlike Gore, has not universally towed the party line. She was one of several Democrats who killed the public option and has consistently supported drilling in Alaska. Which is why her vocal expression of support for the party on issues of support may be eyebrow raising. She recently had a high profile, heated confrontation with Texas Senator Ted Cruz on abortion policy in the middle-of-the-night during a 43 amendment vote-a-rama.
Ginger Gibson notes in a Politico story that as other Democrats facing the voters next year opposed the Democrats budget, she supported it. She refused to repeal a medical device tax. And on what is perhaps her biggest achilees heel, her vote for the Affordable Care Act, Landrieu is taking a similarly unapologetic, full-throttle ahead approach. “I am proud of my support for the Affordable Care Act, whether my opponents want to call it ACA or Obamacare, I voted for it. I’m glad I voted for it.”
Gibson opened her piece by writing “Sen. Mary Landrieu hasn’t gotten the memo for 2014 red-state Democrats: run scared.”
At this point, Landrieu is looking surprisingly strong in polls, leading perspective rivals by 5 to 8%. That can be misleading. In her past two re-election bids, Landrieu looked comfortable for most of the election season, only to eke by with just 52% each time, including a 2002 runoff. But Louisiana has a unique primary system where a candidate must take 50% on primary day, which happens to be held when the other 49 states are hosting their general elections. If not, the top two finishers meet in December runoff.
Recently, Congressman Jeff Fleming, who appeared poised to run bowed out, citing the need for party unity (his colleague, Bill Cassidy had jumped in the race the day before). But by abandoning the race, he may have inadvertently aided Landrieu’s prospects by making one less person to keep her under 50%. But it’s highly unlikely likely Cassidy will have the field to himself, and Landrieu may not hit 50% vin the first round anyway. That will make her task at turning out the state’s African-American population crucial.
While Republicans salivate at tying Landrieu to Obama, Landrieu intends to return fire with Bobby Jindal, a once and perhaps future star-contender who has seen his popularity slide as Louisiana’s Governor. Landrieu will also bank on her role on Appropriations as her ability to do deliver for the state. But it’s not 50+1% that Landieu has to be concerned with, it’s 41%, which is That figure is daunting when one considers the 14% Obama received among white voters in 2008.
A recent Harper Polling survey had Landrieu up by 17% among women, but down 7% among men and 15% among white voters overrall. But Louisiana is not Arkansas and while many analysts cite Blanche Lincoln’s 19% loss in 2010 as possibly fitting into Landrieu’s fate, there are differences. Arknasas’ shift to the right has been rapid, as Louisiana has simply drifted a little further. Lincoln was never as popular as Landrieu, a fact she hopes to outline via her Appropriations seat. And Louisiana has an African-American population of 32%. Arkansas is just 15%, which may’ve contributed to Obama’s 41% in the “Pelican State,” vs. just 36% in the “Natural State.”
In closing, Landrieu’s decision on a powerful, emotional social issue may force her to take a position prior to Election Day. Like Gore’s 50 years earlier, she may well side with her state even though, by her own reckoning, her heart is on the unpopular side of opinion. Will that save her career? No one knows (it’s doubtful the vote would be so lopsided today). But like Gore, she clearly recognizes that the times are what they are and is showing no inclination to change it. The bottom line, her fight will be a Tyson-Hollyfield like battle, but it’ one she appears to anxiously await.