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How Partisan Should a Partisan Be?

Two Cuyahoga County mayors have been suspended from the Democratic Party executive committee there because they’ve joined other mayors in endorsing a Republican candidate for county commissioner.

Is that right?

The first two US presidents–George Washington and John Adams–fiercely resisted and condemned party spirit, something they saw as contrary to patriotism, loyalty to country.

Because he was, as later eulogized, “first in…the hearts of his countrymen,” Washington was able to successfully govern while refusing to align himself with any faction during his two terms. (Although even during his second term, Washington was subjected to scurrilous press attacks orchestrated by Thomas Jefferson.)

Adams, ever independent and rarely tactful, was deemed irrelevant by the two parties which emerged during his presidency: the Federalists, under the leadership of Alexander Hamilton, and the Republicans (later the Democrats), led by Jefferson.

The rise of political parties was probably to be expected. And, I feel, we’ve been blessed in this country to have only two major parties, big tents that have, except in the years immediately before and for some time after the Civil War, cut across regional lines. The parties have, through much of our history, been places that could debate and subsume new notions advanced within and outside their ranks, and that have helped knit the country together. Through them, we’ve avoided the madness of Europe’s multiparty chaos and we’ve become more of a United States of America.

Parties afford those who share beliefs in a broad set of political principles and ideas to work together. That’s good, in my book.

But should partisan affiliation be a strait jacket? If you’re a Democratic or Republican office holder or candidate, should you feel bound to support every candidate or office holder who wears the same label, even if you think that person is incompetent, dishonest, or unqualified?

Or, should you feel constrained from endorsing a candidate you think is clearly better, even when that person is from the other party?

I know nothing about the particulars of the Cuyahoga County case. But it does seem emblematic of the sort of thinking that has led to gridlock in Washington and red-and-blue isolation around the country. It’s nuts!

On a recent edition of The News Hour on PBS, conservative columnist David Brooks lamented the depressing partisan kabuki dance in which seemingly intelligent members of Congress engage. He described a large class of Washington politicians as being reasonable in private, willing even to admit where members of the opposition party might be right, but irrationally partisan once they appear before the media and constituent groups.

At weekly partisan gatherings, these members of Congress who get paid base salaries of $169,300 per year, presumably to apply their best thinking to their jobs, are given that week’s partisan talking points. Any number of pundits, hacks, political functionaries, and bloggers readily mimic these “points” so that, all across the country, on TV, radio, and the Internet, the rest of us are subjected not to debates, but a kind of mindless automaton-speak.

This nuttiness permeates all the way down to the local level, making our politics less about getting things done than getting and keeping power as a game…with innumerable perks.

Two local mayors endorsed a candidate for county commissioner from another party. They may be wrong in their judgment. Their motives may even be wrong. But how much partisanship is too much?

Democracy requires grownups. How much of this partisan childishness can the US political system take?

John McCain and Barack Obama would do us all a favor by being grownups this year, moving beyond partisan cliches even while upholding their own basic principles, evidencing a willingness to compromise, and owning their flip-flops when they result from mature consideration. Most Americans, I think, would welcome such a mature approach to our politics. We might learn from their examples should Obama and McCain take this approach.

So far, they’ve failed us all.

[This is being cross posted at Better Living: Thoughts from Mark Daniels.]



7 Responses to “How Partisan Should a Partisan Be?”

  1. Don Quijote says:

    You can never be to partisan, as has been shown by the Repug Party.

    Lose an election, impeach the winner.
    Lose an election, get the Supremes to put you in the white house.
    Lose an election, recall the governor.
    Win an election, Redistrict your opponents out of their districts.

    Start a pointless war, claim opponents to said war are traitors, French or cowards, take your pick.
    Let major American city drown because it is controlled by your opponents.
    whine like a little bitch when your opponents adopt your tactics.

  2. Don Quijote says:

    Where are the weapons of mass destruction?

    Mohammed’s dire warning aside, it seemed clear that my new assignment for Harper’s Magazine had caught the attention of someone in the U.S. government. What about my probing into the weapons-of-mass-destruction issue could prompt such extreme measures? What would make the U.S. government so afraid as to justify its attempt to intimidate a journalist—even an activist journalist such as myself—from carrying out his work? As a former weapons inspector with the United Nations, I was intimately familiar with the fraudulent case made by the Bush administration before the 2003 invasion, and had quite publicly challenged the president’s allegations. I do not believe the Bush administration would undertake any activity, directly or indirectly, beyond simply harassing me, because of my stance on pre-war WMD claims. However, knowing that I was going to Baghdad to meet with Iraqis who had firsthand knowledge of what had transpired since the invasion was another matter. What could I have learned that troubled them so? I will relay the story as I received it from Mohammed.

    On a bright morning one day in late June 2003 Mohammed waited patiently on the side of a street in the Jadariyah district of Baghdad. As a former official in the ousted regime of Saddam Hussein, he had knowledge of programs and activities of interest to the Americans who now occupied the palaces of the former Iraqi president; these programs and activities included but were not limited to weapons of mass destruction. Mohammed had been summoned to a meeting with a special intelligence cell that reported not to David Kay’s Iraq Survey Group, but instead directly to the Office of the Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld. Shortly before 9 in the morning, a small convoy consisting of three unmarked Toyota Land Cruisers pulled up alongside Mohammed. Seated in the front passenger seat of the lead vehicle was a short, stocky blond woman named Stacey. One might not have guessed from her plain khaki cargo pants and simple white T-shirt that she was a lieutenant commander in the United States Navy. Stacey motioned for Mohammed to enter the vehicle, and the small convoy sped off.

    Crossing the 14th of July Bridge, the convoy turned right, into the grounds of the Republican Palace. Through gates once manned by the most elite forces of the regime of Saddam Hussein, the Special Republican Guard, the small convoy now negotiated checkpoints manned by the soldiers of Iraq’s new master, the United States. The Land Cruisers snaked past the main palace building itself, where four large bronze heads of Saddam sporting a Moghul helmet stared impassively above them (these statues were later removed under the orders of the then-head of the CPA, Paul Bremer). The SUVs moved north toward the far end of the former palace complex, now known as the Green Zone. In front of the former offices of the Iraqi National Security Committee, the convoy turned right, cutting through some administrative buildings before emerging on an embankment road running alongside the Tigris River. Heading south, the three vehicles came upon a villa complex surrounded by small decorative ponds, each pond connected with a small footbridge. On each island was an open barbecue pit, complete with accompanying stack of firewood, of the type favored by the former Iraqi president. Disembarking from the Land Cruiser, Stacey led Mohammed to the main villa, where they were ushered in by security personnel wearing similar nondescript clothing.

    Seated on a couch in the middle of the elaborately furnished villa was a small, thin woman in her late 30s with short blond hair who introduced herself as Carol. On the table before the couch were plates full of sweets and fruit slices, imported from Kuwait, which Carol invited Mohammed to taste. Stacey joined them, and soon she and Carol began questioning Mohammed. About five minutes into the session, the two women were joined by a third person, an Army lieutenant colonel who introduced himself as Dave. Dave was dressed in the same khaki trousers as Stacey and Carol, but sported a gray T-shirt emblazoned with the seal of the United States and the words “U.S. Embassy Kuwait.” A short, athletic-looking man with gray hair, Dave quickly took over the proceedings, with Carol and Stacey taking notes. For four hours Dave questioned Mohammed about various matters dealing with the Iraqi’s former work.

    The final line of questioning focused on weapons of mass destruction. Dave was on his feet, pacing before Mohammed, before turning to him and asking straight out, “Where are the weapons of mass destruction?” Mohammed, who had intimate knowledge of certain aspects of the Iraqi WMD effort, replied straight back: “There are no WMD in Iraq.”

    Dave continued pacing back and forth in front of Mohammed. “My president,” he said, “is in trouble. Can you help him?”

    Mohammed was taken aback by the question. “Excuse me?” he asked. “Could you repeat yourself?”

    Dave sat down next to the Iraqi. “George Bush is in trouble. Our people did not find any WMD in Iraq. Can you help us?”

    Mohammed looked back at Dave. “How?”

    “Can we prepare something for that? We could bring in some nuclear material from the former Soviet Union, and pretend they are Iraqi.”

    Mohammed, stunned by the unexpected nature of the request, indicated that such a ploy could be easily uncovered by forensic examination of the evidence by outside experts, such as UNSCOM (the United Nations Special Commission) or the IAEA, who would undoubtedly be called in to verify such a finding. Dave sat in silence for a few moments, before springing to his feet. “I have to leave for a meeting,” he said. “Stacey will show you out.”

    Mohammed was to meet again with Dave, Stacey and Carol in the weeks that followed. The subject of WMD, Iraqi or otherwise, was never again broached by Dave or anyone else in his team.

  3. Don Quijote says:

    You can never be to partisan, as has been shown by the Repug Party.

    Lose an election, impeach the winner.
    Lose an election, get the Supremes to put you in the white house.
    Lose an election, recall the governor.
    Win an election, Redistrict your opponents out of their districts.

    Start a pointless war, claim opponents to said war are traitors, French or cowards, take your pick.
    Let major American city drown because it is controlled by your opponents.
    whine like a little bitch when your opponents adopt your tactics.

  4. Don Quijote says:

    Where are the weapons of mass destruction?

    Mohammed’s dire warning aside, it seemed clear that my new assignment for Harper’s Magazine had caught the attention of someone in the U.S. government. What about my probing into the weapons-of-mass-destruction issue could prompt such extreme measures? What would make the U.S. government so afraid as to justify its attempt to intimidate a journalist—even an activist journalist such as myself—from carrying out his work? As a former weapons inspector with the United Nations, I was intimately familiar with the fraudulent case made by the Bush administration before the 2003 invasion, and had quite publicly challenged the president’s allegations. I do not believe the Bush administration would undertake any activity, directly or indirectly, beyond simply harassing me, because of my stance on pre-war WMD claims. However, knowing that I was going to Baghdad to meet with Iraqis who had firsthand knowledge of what had transpired since the invasion was another matter. What could I have learned that troubled them so? I will relay the story as I received it from Mohammed.

    On a bright morning one day in late June 2003 Mohammed waited patiently on the side of a street in the Jadariyah district of Baghdad. As a former official in the ousted regime of Saddam Hussein, he had knowledge of programs and activities of interest to the Americans who now occupied the palaces of the former Iraqi president; these programs and activities included but were not limited to weapons of mass destruction. Mohammed had been summoned to a meeting with a special intelligence cell that reported not to David Kay’s Iraq Survey Group, but instead directly to the Office of the Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld. Shortly before 9 in the morning, a small convoy consisting of three unmarked Toyota Land Cruisers pulled up alongside Mohammed. Seated in the front passenger seat of the lead vehicle was a short, stocky blond woman named Stacey. One might not have guessed from her plain khaki cargo pants and simple white T-shirt that she was a lieutenant commander in the United States Navy. Stacey motioned for Mohammed to enter the vehicle, and the small convoy sped off.

    Crossing the 14th of July Bridge, the convoy turned right, into the grounds of the Republican Palace. Through gates once manned by the most elite forces of the regime of Saddam Hussein, the Special Republican Guard, the small convoy now negotiated checkpoints manned by the soldiers of Iraq’s new master, the United States. The Land Cruisers snaked past the main palace building itself, where four large bronze heads of Saddam sporting a Moghul helmet stared impassively above them (these statues were later removed under the orders of the then-head of the CPA, Paul Bremer). The SUVs moved north toward the far end of the former palace complex, now known as the Green Zone. In front of the former offices of the Iraqi National Security Committee, the convoy turned right, cutting through some administrative buildings before emerging on an embankment road running alongside the Tigris River. Heading south, the three vehicles came upon a villa complex surrounded by small decorative ponds, each pond connected with a small footbridge. On each island was an open barbecue pit, complete with accompanying stack of firewood, of the type favored by the former Iraqi president. Disembarking from the Land Cruiser, Stacey led Mohammed to the main villa, where they were ushered in by security personnel wearing similar nondescript clothing.

    Seated on a couch in the middle of the elaborately furnished villa was a small, thin woman in her late 30s with short blond hair who introduced herself as Carol. On the table before the couch were plates full of sweets and fruit slices, imported from Kuwait, which Carol invited Mohammed to taste. Stacey joined them, and soon she and Carol began questioning Mohammed. About five minutes into the session, the two women were joined by a third person, an Army lieutenant colonel who introduced himself as Dave. Dave was dressed in the same khaki trousers as Stacey and Carol, but sported a gray T-shirt emblazoned with the seal of the United States and the words “U.S. Embassy Kuwait.” A short, athletic-looking man with gray hair, Dave quickly took over the proceedings, with Carol and Stacey taking notes. For four hours Dave questioned Mohammed about various matters dealing with the Iraqi’s former work.

    The final line of questioning focused on weapons of mass destruction. Dave was on his feet, pacing before Mohammed, before turning to him and asking straight out, “Where are the weapons of mass destruction?” Mohammed, who had intimate knowledge of certain aspects of the Iraqi WMD effort, replied straight back: “There are no WMD in Iraq.”

    Dave continued pacing back and forth in front of Mohammed. “My president,” he said, “is in trouble. Can you help him?”

    Mohammed was taken aback by the question. “Excuse me?” he asked. “Could you repeat yourself?”

    Dave sat down next to the Iraqi. “George Bush is in trouble. Our people did not find any WMD in Iraq. Can you help us?”

    Mohammed looked back at Dave. “How?”

    “Can we prepare something for that? We could bring in some nuclear material from the former Soviet Union, and pretend they are Iraqi.”

    Mohammed, stunned by the unexpected nature of the request, indicated that such a ploy could be easily uncovered by forensic examination of the evidence by outside experts, such as UNSCOM (the United Nations Special Commission) or the IAEA, who would undoubtedly be called in to verify such a finding. Dave sat in silence for a few moments, before springing to his feet. “I have to leave for a meeting,” he said. “Stacey will show you out.”

    Mohammed was to meet again with Dave, Stacey and Carol in the weeks that followed. The subject of WMD, Iraqi or otherwise, was never again broached by Dave or anyone else in his team.

  5. Patrick_Lee says:

    Thomas Jefferson himself most likely would agree with your article, except for the tiny, parenthetical part claiming he orchestrated “scurrilous press attacks” against President Washington. Perhaps you've read several accounts which claim that contention, but a broader, objective study won't support it. Partisans in the 1790s would take things out of context, just as they do today.
    Mr. Jefferson hated the rise of “party” and was unwavering in his support of President Washington. Yet, he made his views known, primarily in personal correspondence to friends, whenever he sensed a retreat from the republican principles upon which the nation was founded.
    To claim that he organized and pursued a coarse campaign against Washington in the newspapers shows a lack of understanding of the times and of the personality of Thomas Jefferson.

  6. RevDave says:

    How rich! Being lectured by David Brooks about being too partisan and about Washington insiders playing up to the media (let's forget about those Times columns and repeated TV appearances by one Mr Brooks – most of these appearances being incredibly partisan).

  7. StockBoySF says:

    It's Bush's fault… really…

    What I mean by that is Bush as our president has set an example that it is OK to politicize everything, including non-political jobs. Then the people who feel disenfranchised (in this case the Dems) feel that (a) since Bush as president has set this as an example, then it is fine to do it to get ahead, and not bother working/compromising with others and (b) since the Bush has drawn the lines of “us vs. them” then the Dems must stick together to fight for what Dems want.

    It's not right, but I think I understand how it has come about. It's a sad state, but Bush has turned the citizens of this country against one another for his own political purposes and personal gain.

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