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McCain’s 100 Year “War”. The reality of the Germany and Japan comparison

Much ado has been made of the so-called John McCain “flip flop” regarding his position on the fifty or one hundred year war in Iraq. Josh Marshall made quite a case about this, hinging on the fact that McCain was apparently “against having U.S. troops remaining in Iraq before he was for the idea.” As was pointed out by Hot Air’s Ed Morrissey, McCain’s position may have evolved in light of facts on the ground and, he proposes, people should consider the fact that McCain is talking about a difference between war, occupation, and a “presence” where Americans are not suffering casualties and the occupied country is more of a partner with the Americans, such as in Germany and Japan. This, however, is exactly the area where I feel McCain has a tremendous weak spot which will be exposed if the media ever gets over the “honeymoon” period they have with Senator McCain, as Josh Marshall notably points out.

My problem with this theory has long been that the difference between Iraq and Germany or Japan is not simply a difference of apples and oranges, but apples and aardvarks. They aren’t even in the same phylum, class or family. This week I decided to go to some of the real experts on the subject and arranged a pair of original interviews. For the topic of Japan, I spoke today with Dr. John Dower in the first of a two part interview. (Look for a full interview transcript next week here on TMV.) Professor Dower is not some political hack or pundit. He is a historian and expert on the history of post-war Japan, the author of numerous books on the subject, the recipient of multiple Pulitzer Prizes, National Book Awards and the Bancroft Prize, all on Japanese history in the modern era. In our brief introductory session this week I asked him if there was any evidence of an insurgency against Americans by the Japanese during the occupation period of 1945 to 1952, similar to the Iraq insurgency. His answer was short and to the point.

Zero. There was zero evidence of any form of insurgency against the Americans in Japan during that period.

He went on to describe some of the key differences between the two scenarios. They fall into three areas, which are also mirrored in the conditions we find in post-war Germany. First, there is the matter of how America treated the invasion and post-war occupation of these countries. The United States had pummeled Japan’s major cities with air bombardments long before the nuclear bombs hitting Hiroshima and Nagasaki. After the surrender in 1945, America treated Japan as a defeated nation. No dissent was tolerated and control was absolute.

The second area is the response of the defeated country to the occupiers. Japan was in great danger of being totally destroyed by the Chinese. They had been fighting with China since 1931 and China’s death toll at the hands of the Japanese is estimated to have been in excess of 15 million. China was ready, willing and able to wipe Japan off the face of the Earth and America was the only force standing in the way of that. Combined with the Emperor’s orders to obey the Americans and recognize the surrender, we were very nearly welcomed with the “flowers in the streets” which we never received in Iraq.

The third factor is in the inherent national identity of the Japanese. They were already an incredibly ancient culture, dating back well past the time of Christ. There were certainly periods of internecine warfare in their feudal era, but there had been a national sense of “being Japanese” for ages unimaginable in comparison to the brief history of the United States.

None of these conditions apply to Iraq. Dr. Dower published a piece in the Boston Review back in 2003 (prior to the invasion of Iraq) titled “A Warning From History: Don’t expect Democracy in Iraq.” It turned out to be frighteningly prescient. Here’s a brief piece, but be sure to read the entire piece to see exactly how well Professor Dower saw the future of an American occupation in Iraq.

Starting last fall, we began to hear that U.S. policymakers were looking into Japan and Germany after World War II as examples or even models of successful military occupations. In the case of Japan, the imagined analogy with Iraq is probably irresistible.

The problem is that few if any of the ingredients that made this success possible are present—or would be present—in the case of Iraq. The lessons we can draw from the occupation of Japan all become warnings where Iraq is concerned.

In a second interview we will have, which can not be disclosed yet, we find the same conditions mirrored in Germany. There was a vestigial insurgency in Germany, called Operation Werewolf, which was composed of The Heer and the Hitler Youth. However, it was immediately disavowed by Hitler’s successor, Grand Admiral Karl Doenitz, and was widely considered a fiasco producing no notable results. The Germans, like the Japanese, are an ancient culture dating back to their struggles against the Roman Empire and beyond. And the American occupation of Germany was initially a brutal one, not even allowing the German police force access to guns. The Germans, like the Japanese, were in great fear of the Russians who they had slaughtered to the tune of tens of millions.

Again.. none of these conditions exist in Iraq. Our history of attempts at military occupation of Muslim nations has been dismal by comparison to our experience in Germany and Japan. And our methods today are much more “care bear” policies of rescuing the hapless Iraqis from their dictatorial ruler than imposing the iron fist of martial law.

John McCain’s attempt to compare Iraq to these two historical periods should be pointed out to the public by the media. He is either being incredibly disingenuous, or he is demonstrating a shocking and dismaying lack of understanding of military history and its implications for our continued presence in Iraq.

Also available at Middle Earth Journal.

  • pacatrue
    Interesting stuff, Jazz. In a sense, the historian is suggesting that we didn't act enough like occupiers in Iraq while the occupation role was clear in Japan and Germany post WWII. In Iraq, to quote Zell Miller, we were liberators not occupiers. Perhaps - perhaps - if we had admitted to ourselves that we were going to temporarily occupy the country for what we thought was the greater good, the insurgency would have gotten less out of hand. But only perhaps.
  • runasim
    In a much less eloquent way, I said much the same thing commenting on a post by Pete Abel.

    I would be more cautious about so robustly embracing the role of occupier, though. .
    The societes of Japan and Germany were so vastly diffrent from Iraq (the former two also haivng been beaten to a bloody pulp BEFORE the occupation), that I don't think you can transplant wholesale the experience from society to society. Certainly there was always a need to keep order,but I'm not sure what degree of 'shut up, and do as you're told' would work best in Iraq.

    My other thought is that saying 50-100 years is likely to be a repellelnt idea to the Iraqis. For the alQaeda types, it could make a fine recruitment tool.

    Just not a good thing to say, all around.,
  • Marlowecan
    Interesting analysis. Flawed in some respects. For example:

    "China was ready, willing and able to wipe Japan off the face of the Earth and America was the only force standing in the way of that."

    This is false. At the end of WWII China was weakened by colonialism, and deeply divided between Nationalists and Communists. Japan was still happily in occupation of huge swathes of China. The Japanese were worried about Russia...never about China, whom they regarded with utter contempt. China has not been a threat to Japan since the days of Kublai Khan...quite the reverse. Note, for example, that modern China has NEVER demanded the US withdraw its bases from Japan and Asia. The US is widely regarded in Asia as the only restraining force preventing another potential Japanese breakout. Consider the fact that Japan's constitutionally restricted "Defense" air force is the most advanced in Asia, and can blow the PLA from the sky.

    There are actually striking similarities between Iraq and Japan. For example, there was no Japanese insurgency because the Emperor and the ruling classes were largely protected by the occupation. Because the Emperor decreed it, the Japanese accepted occupation.

    Similarly, in Iraq, al-Sistani has cooperated with the "big guest" as the Shi'a refer to the US. The Shi'a, under al-Sistani's spiritual guidance, have been generally peaceable...with even al-Sadr's rebelliousness being in check. The insurgency has been largely limited to the Arab Sunni; a distinct minority in the country after the Shi'a and Kurds.

    McCain was making a point about long-term American presences overseas...he reference the Balkans and South Korea as well...and ALL of these situations are very different.

    The differences are not relevant to the McCain's point: as long as the US is not taking casualities, the US could have a presence there.

    The Shi'a will not accept a long-term occupation, of course. Al-Sistani's "big guest" remains a "guest". If al-Sistani gave the word, the US occupation would end tomorrow. The occupation is useful to him and the Shi'a, as it was useful to the Emperor, the Japanese keiretsus, and the ruling elite.
  • runasim
    I think Marlowecan's defense of McCain is badly mistaken.

    The disclaimer of 'if the Americans aren't taking casualties' is rather futuristic, since it is not applicable to Iraq now, nor will it be during the foreseeable fututre.
    We might as well talk about the days when terrorism will have ceased to be.

    You can analyze Japan from every angle you want, but the important fact at the heart of the matter is that the country was unified, while Iraq was much more like the former Yugoslavei, which stayed unified under the common yoke of a dictator, but as soon as the yoke was removed, old ethnic resentments bubbled up .to the surface.

    As a result, Yugoslavia broke up into many separate countres,, while Iraq is trying to hold itself together even as the infighting goes on. We are shepherding a type of civil war. That is not a role we've played in any other of the countries mentioned.
    As to Kosovo vs Serbia, the militarey forces are NATO forces, commanded by Europeans.

    I think Jazz is right: This is like comparing apples to aardvarks.

    I will grant that McCain's '50-100 years' was grabbed up before he had a chance to explain his meaning. The explanation he did give later is so fuzzy and inapplicable that the explanation now needs further explatnaion-that is, if he recognizes the need for one;

    Should he return to this subject, I'll listen. Fair is fair.
    In the meantime, all we have is what he has said so far.
  • DLS
    I'm not worried about that stuff when I was already looking at more relevent information years ago, such as:

    http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/areweready2...

    http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/iraqtrip.pdf

    http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/0410_progre...
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